My mom emailed me the following essay. It struck me as stylistically well-written, with a cogency and emotion that demands the reader’s attention. You all know I’m not the most political person, and since I don’t really keep up with political things, I don’t think I’m in a position to comment with much authority on the essay. While the writing impressed me, I’m not quite sure about the writer’s accusation that GW feels no remorse at all for those who die in Iraq. He seems to hinge his denouncements of Bush’s character on what he sees on the video cameras — I suppose this is our best way of inferring how the president behaves while behind close doors, though… Also, he seems quite insistent that America is promoting not democracy, but internecine tribal warfare. I am not trying to justify the war in Iraq, but I can’t help but wonder: If we just let the Middle East “work out the kinks” on its own, how long would it be before some rouge tyrant or terroist unleashed a nuclear disaster upon the world? Things are going badly in Iraq now, and American soldiers are dying for a cause that doesn’t seem absolutely clear, as it was in WWI and II. It is an overwhelmingly ambitious plan that GWB has for Iraq and, I suppose, eventually the entire Middle East — stable democracy. While I don’t like the man (and his bullish, Americanocentric unilateralism), I like the mission. If, 10, 15, 20 years down the line, the Middle East is a largely democratic and peaceful area, and it all started with this war, I would have to say the American deaths were worth it. After all, a violent Middle East in the same amount of time may end up costing the U.S., and the world for that matter, many more deaths.
What do you all think of the article? What do you think the chances are for a largely peaceful Middle East in the next 10-20 years?
An essay by E.L Doctorow
>> Edgar Lawrence Doctorow occupies a central position in the history
>> of American literature. He is generally considered to be among the
>> most talented, ambitious, and admired novelists of the second half
>> of the 20th century. Doctorow has received the National Book Award,
>> two National Book Critics Circle Awards, the PEN/Faulkner Award, the
>> Edith Wharton Citation for Fiction, the William Dean Howell Medal of
>> the American Academy of Arts and Letters, and the residentially
>> conferred
>> National Humanities Medal.
>> Doctorow was born in New York City on January 6, 1931. After
>> graduating with honors from Kenyon College in 1952, he did graduate
>> work at Columbia University and served in the U.S. Army. Doctorow
>> was senior editor for New American Library from 1959 to 1964 and
>> then served as editor in chief
>> at Dial Press until 1969. Since then, he has devoted his time to
>> writing and teaching. He holds the Glucksman Chair in American
>> Letters at New York University and over the years has taught at
>> several institutions, including Yale University Drama School,
>> Princeton University, Sarah Lawrence
>> College, and the University of California, Irvine.
>> =====================================================================
>> I fault this president (George W. Bush) for not knowing what
>> death is. He does not suffer the death of our twenty-one year olds
>> who wanted to be what they could be.
>> On the eve of D-day in 1944 General Eisenhower prayed to God for
>> the lives of the young soldiers he knew were going to die. He knew
>> what death was.
>> Even in a justifiable war, a war not of choice but of necessity, a
>> war of survival, the cost was almost more than Eisenhower could
>> bear.
>> But this president does not know what death is. He hasn’t the
>> mind for it.
>> You see him joking with the press, peering under the table for
>> the WMDs he can’t seem to find, you see him at rallies strutting up
>> to the stage in shirt sleeves to the roar of the carefully screened
>> crowd, smiling and waving, triumphal, a he-man. He does not mourn.
>> He doesn’t understand why he should mourn. He is satisfied during
>> the course of a speech
>> written for him to look solemn for a moment and speak of the brave
>> young Americans who made the ultimate sacrifice for their country.
>> But you study him, you look into his eyes and know he dissembles
>> an emotion which he does not feel in the depths of his being
>> because he has no capacity for it. He does not feel a personal
>> responsibility for the thousand dead young men and women who wanted
>> be what they could be. They come to his desk not as youngsters with
>> mothers and fathers or wives and children who will suffer to the
>> end of their days a terribly
>> torn fabric of familial relationships and the inconsolable
>> remembrance of aborted life…. They come to his desk as a political
>> liability which is why the press is not permitted to photograph the
>> arrival of their coffins from Iraq. How then can he mourn? To
>> mourn is to express regret and he regrets nothing.
>> He does not regret that his reason for going to war was, as he
>> knew, unsubstantiated by the facts. He does not regret that his
>> bungled plan for the war’s aftermath has made of his
>> mission-accomplished a disaster. He does not regret that rather
>> than controlling terrorism his war in Iraq has licensed it. So he
>> never mourns for the dead and crippled youngsters who have fought
>> this war of his choice. He wanted to go to war and he did. He had
>> not the mind to perceive the costs of war, or to listen to those who
>> knew those costs. He did not understand that you do not go to war
>> when it is one of the options, but when it is the only option; you
>> go not because you want to but because you have to. This president
>> knew it would be difficult for Americans not to cheer the overthrow
>> of a foreign dictator. He knew that much. This president and his
>> supporters would seem to have a mind for only one thing — to take
>> power, to remain in power, and to use that power for the sake of
>> themselves and their friends. A war will do that as well as
>> anything. You become a wartime leader. The country gets behind
>> you. Dissent becomes inappropriate. And so he does not drop to his
>> knees, he is not contrite, he does not sit in the church with the
>> grieving parents and wives and children. He is the President who
>> does not feel. He does not feel for the families of the dead; he
>> does not feel for the thirty five million of us who live in
>> poverty; he does not feel for the forty percent who cannot afford
>> health insurance; he does not feel for the miners whose lungs are
>> turning black or for the working people he has deprived of the
>> chance to work overtime at time-and-a-half to pay their bills —
>> it is amazing for how many people in this country this President
>> does not feel. But he will dissemble feeling. He will say in all
>> sincerity he is relieving the wealthiest one percent of the
>> population of their tax burden for the sake of the rest of us, and
>> that he is polluting the air we breathe for the sake of our economy,
>> and that he is decreasing the safety regulations for coal mines to
>> save the coal miners’ jobs, and that he is depriving workers of
>> their time-and-a- half benefits for overtime because this is
>> actually a way to honor them by raising them into the professional
>> class. And this litany of lies he will versify with reverences for
>> God and the flag and democracy, when just what he and his party
>> are doing to our democracy is choking the life out of it. But
>> there is one more terribly sad thing about all of this. I remember
>> the millions of people here and around the world who marched against
>> the war. It was extraordinary, that spontaneously aroused oversoul
>> of alarm and protest that transcended national borders. Why did it
>> happen? After all, this was not the only war anyone had ever seen
>> coming. There are little wars all over the world most of the
>> time. But the cry of protest was the appalled understanding of
>> millions of people that America was ceding its role as the last
>> best hope of mankind. It was their perception that the classic
>> archetype of democracy was morphing into a rogue nation. The
>> greatest democratic republic in history was turning its back on the
>> future, using its extraordinary power and standing not to advance
>> the ideal of a concordance of civilizations but to endorse the kind
>> of tribal combat that originated with the Neanderthals, a people,
>> now extinct, who could imagine ensuring their survival by no other
>> means than pre-emptive war. The president we get is the country
>> we get. With each president the nation is conformed spiritually.
>> He is the artificer of our malleable national soul. He proposes not
>> only the laws but the kinds of lawlessness that govern our lives
>> and invoke our responses. The people he appoints are cast in his
>> image. The trouble they get into and get us into, is his
>> characteristic trouble. Finally the media amplify his character
>> into our moral weather report. He becomes the face of our sky, the
>> conditions that prevail: How can we sustain ourselves as the United
>> States of America given the stupid and ineffective warmaking, the
>> constitutionally insensitive lawgiving, and the monarchal economics
>> of this president? He cannot mourn but is a figure of such moral
>> vacancy as to make us mourn for ourselves.
>> E.L. Doctorow